By Roger Brock, Stephen Hodkinson
This quantity includes eighteen essays by way of proven and more youthful historians that research non-democratic substitute political platforms and ideologies--oligarchies, monarchies, combined constitutions--along with assorted sorts of communal and neighborhood institutions equivalent to ethnoi, amphiktyonies, and confederacies. The papers, which span the size and breadth of the Hellenic global spotlight the big political flexibility and variety of old Greek civilization.
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Extra resources for Alternatives to Athens
Gentlemen) or aristoi (‘the best people’). Theognis at Megara is a case in point. We can see in his poetry that, even when excluded from power, especially by those they considered their inferiors, the self-perceptions of such aristoi did not alter. As Robin Lane Fox and P. J. Rhodes both demonstrate, those who considered themselves among the aristoi did not abandon their ideology even when compelled to live under a democracy. However, competitiveness was also part of the aristocratic ideal, hence the fact that, as Aristotle notes, oligarchies are especially prone to faction (Pol.
Andrew Lintott’s paper deals with Aristotle’s original contribution, the hybrid of democracy and oligarchy which he calls ‘polity’, showing how ﬁne distinctions could be on such borderlines (if indeed they are meaningful at all). Keith Rutter in his discussion of the Syracusan democracy demonstrates not only the impact of Aristotle’s particular constitutional deﬁnitions, but also the way in which his use of historical examples may be shaped by his immediate agenda. This case study also brings out well the impact of source outlook on our perceptions: for Thucydides, Syracuse is in some sense a Doppelg•anger of Athens, the reﬂection which brings about her downfall in a way that Sparta, her antithesis, cannot.
Aristotle identiﬁes hereditary oligarchy as one of his four types of oligarchy (Pol. 1292B3–4; 1293A28–30). ) Opuntian and Epizephyrian Locri, Croton, Rhegium, and Colophon; lower ﬁgures: 600 at Massalia and 180 at Epidaurus, for example (Whibley 1896: 134–8); cf. also Rhodes with Lewis (1997) 510–12 on the related issue of quorums. 18 Roger Brock and Stephen Hodkinson ﬁcation, though one which acknowledged the value of wealth to the state. This motif of ‘service with persons and property’ was very much to the fore in the Athenian oligarchic coup of 411 (Ath.