By Melvyn C. Goldstein, Dawei Sherap, William R. Siebenschuh
This is often the as-told-to political autobiography of Ph?ntso Wangye (Ph?nwang), the most vital Tibetan progressive figures of the 20 th century. Ph?nwang all started his activism at school, the place he based a mystery Tibetan Communist get together. He used to be expelled in 1940, and for the following 9 years he labored to arrange a guerrilla rebellion opposed to the chinese language who managed his fatherland. In 1949, he merged his Tibetan Communist celebration with Mao's chinese language Communist celebration. He performed a huge function within the party's administrative association in Lhasa and was once the translator for the younger Dalai Lama in the course of his recognized 1954-55 conferences with Mao Zedong. within the Fifties, Ph?nwang was once the highest-ranking Tibetan professional in the Communist social gathering in Tibet. even though he was once fluent in chinese language, happy with chinese language tradition, and dedicated to socialism and the Communist occasion, Ph?nwang's deep dedication to the welfare of Tibetans made him suspect to robust Han colleagues. In 1958 he was once secretly detained; 3 years later, he used to be imprisoned in solitary confinement in Beijing's an identical of the Bastille for the subsequent eighteen years. knowledgeable by way of brilliant firsthand money owed of the relatives among the Dalai Lama, the Nationalist chinese language govt, and the People's Republic of China, this soaking up chronicle illuminates one of many world's so much tragic and unsafe ethnic conflicts whilst that it relates the interesting information of a stormy existence spent within the quest for a brand new Tibet.
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Extra resources for A Tibetan Revolutionary: The Political Life and Times of Bapa PhA?ntso Wangye
This portion of the trip was a nightmare. We stayed off the main roads, choosing remote mountain trails and passes that were exhausting and dangerous. My uncle hired two porters, who carried the girls on their backs, and we often had to go for a day or more on short rations because we were passing through areas with no villages. My uncle’s feet blistered and swelled, and it took us about twelve days to reach Leshan, where we were able to take a boat directly to the city of Chongqing and ﬁnally get beyond Liu’s reach.
I was no longer just the strange Tibetan who had said he was joining the air force, but an intellectual with something worth saying. They were surprised and pleased by my views, which they considered democratic. My thinking began to focus more sharply on social and political issues, and because my teacher and my fellow students took my ideas seriously, I became more eager to pursue them and to trust my instincts about what I thought and saw. During this time, our school continued to move west, ﬁrst to Guiyang, the capital of Guizhou Province, and then ﬁnally to Chongqing in late 1938.
I knew about how one group, like that led by the warlord Liu Wenhui, was oppressing and controlling other people—minorities—like our people in Batang and Kham. I hadn’t known before that great minds like Lenin and Stalin had thought about issues like these. I was especially impressed by Lenin’s idea that individual nationalities should have the right to their own identity and freedom, that they should have the freedom to choose whether they would live free and separate or join in a union as equal partners with another country.